Why PDP is self destructing in Kashmir
The resignation of senior PDP leader Tariq Hamid Karra as member of Parliament, as well as from basic membership of PDP, is a big blow to the party, especially at a time when it is facing deep crisis in Kashmir. It is also indicative of a shaky situation within the party.
Founded in 1998, Karra was one of the founding members of the PDP, its first general secretary, and was finance minister in the Mufti Mohammad Sayeed-led PDP-Congress coalition government (2002-2008) when PDP came to power in Jammu and Kashmir for the first time.
While there is no doubt that Karra’s resignation was motivated by his personal political considerations, however, it has again brought the problems of PDP to the forefront.
Karra cited repressive and oppressive policies of BJP at Centre and PDP-BJP government in the state, the terror unleashed by the central and state government to crush the current uprising in Kashmir that has gone on for more than two months now with no signs of an end, genocide of Kashmiris, CM Mehbooba Mufti’s complete surrender to Nagpur and Delhi, and PDP’s becoming a facilitator for what he called RSS's long-cherished dream of "Hinduisation of the Muslim-majority state" as some of the reasons for his resignation.
It needs to be mentioned that the crisis, which started in the aftermath of the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani on June 8, 2016, has resulted in the killing of more than 85 people at the hands of security forces. More than 12,000 people have been injured and around 300 have lost their eyesight. Hundreds have been arrested and booked under the draconian Public Safety Act (PSA).
The PDP's crisis needs to be understood on two counts - ideological and structural.
Ideologically, PDP, right from its inception, has been propounding what came to be termed as "soft-separatism"- favouring dialogue with Hurriyat and Pakistan, removal of AFSPA, protection of human rights, demilitarisation, increased cross-LoC trade, release of political prisoners and political resolution of Kashmir problem. And when it decided to tie up with BJP, it was accused of compromising with its ideology and paving way for "Hindutva and RSS forces" into the Valley.
The BJP, it must be mentioned, has historically had a completely opposite view on crucial issues related to J&K. Even during the 2014 Assembly elections, it mobilised voters, especially in Jammu and Ladakh regions, on the promise of abrogation of Article 370, taking a tough stand against Hurriyat and Pakistan, favouring AFSPA and so on.
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| The argument that was wrongly propagated was that for the development of the state, PDP had no option but to tie-up with the BJP. (Photo: PTI) |
Two major arguments put forth in favour of this coalition by the PDP were: (a) the nature of the electoral verdict, and (b) for securing "developmental aid".
What the party conveniently forgot was that this mandate was the result of communal polarisation. BJP had garnered majority support in Jammu mainly by consolidating the Hindu vote. PDP, on its part, mobilised voters in Valley around two major issues - one, the failure (real, as well as perceived) of the NC-Congress government, and second - and more important - to keep RSS-BJP out of Kashmir. While, its decision to go with BJP came as a rude shock to its voters, it also divided the party internally.
This mismatch and reversal of decision by PDP was sought to be camouflaged by a well-meaning concept of "development". The argument that was wrongly propagated was that for the development of the state, in general, and the rehabilitation of 2014 flood victims, in particular, PDP had no option but to tie-up with the BJP, which was ruling at the Centre.
In other words what we were made to understand was that developmental aid and funds for the state will not come unless the state government includes BJP. At the very outset, it needs to be pointed out that this theory goes against the idea of federalism. What has made things worse is the fact that despite having BJP in the coalition, the state is still waiting for "development".
Now the PDP is in a dilemma. With BJP, it cannot pursue its policy of "soft-separatism". The alliance and diversion from its agenda has completely alienated not only its voters but even its workers. The state's response to the present crisis has deepened the alienation.
When PDP came into existence, there were certain leaders who came together to form a political party, with Mufti Mohammad Sayeed as first among equals. Tariq Hamid Karra, Muzaffar Hussain Baig and a few other leaders were equally, if not more, important members, or rather pillars of the party.
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| The current uprising, which is the strongest in south Kashmir, has dealt a big blow to the PDP. (Photo: AP) |
While everything went reasonably well during the first PDP-led government with Mufti Sayeed as chief minister and all important leaders, including Karra, with important portfolios, the situation changed completely after the 2014 elections.
The crisis within PDP was visible even before elections. The decision of PDP to nominate Tariq Karra and Muzaffar Baig as candidates for Parliamentary elections was seen by many as an attempt by the leadership to keep them away from Kashmir and its politics. Many new players were coming up and getting closer to the Muftis. Baig and Karra were seen as troublemakers and, therefore, necessary to be kept at arm's length from Srinagar.
The crisis was visible even when Mufti Sayeed was alive. When the process of coalition formation was on, with Haseeb Drabu at the forefront, Karra and a few other leaders vehemently opposed this decision. After the government formation, Muzaffar Baig and Tariq Karra warned Mufti of elements whom they termed as "dream sellers", essentially referring to some of the key members of his Cabinet.
After Mufti Sayeed's death, the crisis deepened even further. There is no denying the fact that after Sayeed's death, leaders like Baig and Karra would have been looking for a greater role within PDP and the government. However, there were elements which favoured Mehbooba as chief ministerial candidate, as well as keeping these leaders out.
When Mehbooba was busy working out the future course of action, there were strong rumours about some MLAs desperately working to cobble together an alliance with the BJP, even without Mehbooba. Tariq Karra openly accused first-time MLA and Cabinet minister in Mufti government, Altaf Bukhari, of spearheading an attempted coup.
"Altaf Bukhari tried to break the PDP into two factions. He tried to stage a coup. While our leader Mehbooba Mufti was exploring the possibility of a tie-up with BJP and had almost convinced BJP for some of the demands, he went out of the way and tried to cobble up an alliance towing along a group of PDP defectors. He is the modern day Kuka Parray [notorious renegade leader who led the counter-insurgency group called Ikhwan]", said Karra in an interview to a local newspaper.
Although PDP and BJP worked out a compromise formula called "Agenda of Alliance", focusing on inclusive governance and development of the state while keeping the controversial issues aside, the ideological differences kept surfacing from time to time, with BJP acting more as an opposition party than a coalition partners, making things worse for PDP.
This was visible immediately after the oath-taking ceremony by late Mufti Sayeed, when he thanked Hurriyat and Pakistan for peaceful election in J&K drawing sharp criticism from BJP. With every passing day the deep ideological difference started coming to the surface.
The "soft-separatism" stance of the PDP started finding it too difficult to withstand pressures of "hardline Hindutva". After Sayeed's demise, when PDP sat down to take a review of progress made on issues mentioned in the "Agenda of Alliance", there was nothing substantial to show. The situation remains the same today.
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| How Mehbooba Mufti is going to hold her party together is something to be seen in the future. (Photo:PTI) |
The result was that while BJP was gaining in Jammu, PDP started losing its base in Kashmir. One of the important reasons for the rise of militancy in PDP's bastion, South Kashmir, is the party's alliance with BJP. PDP workers are dissatisfied and large number of them have resigned during last two months. It was in this backdrop that Muzaffar Husain Baig recently argued in favour of walking out of the alliance.
The current uprising, which is the strongest in south Kashmir, has dealt a big blow to the PDP. While it has been facing severe criticism for its policies during the last two months, locking down Kashmir on the eve of Eid-ul-Zuha came as a final blow. September 13, 2016 became yet another landmark in the unfortunate history of Kashmir.
For the first time in its recent history, the Valley was put under strict curfew on the occasion of the most important festival of Muslims. The government did this ostensibly to "protect" life and property of the people. However, death and injuries continued to visit Kashmiris. Three youth lost their life in security forces' firing, over 150 were injured and 4 youth were hit in both their eyes by pellets..
Ironically, while on the one hand, government is claiming that situation is returning towards normalcy and that is it only five per cent people who are agitating, still it did not allow people to perform their religious duties as per their choice. What is important to note is that even during the early period of 1990s, when there was absolute breakdown of law and order and militancy was at its peak, Kashmir was never put under curfew on Eid.
Karra cited lockdown on the eve of Eid as ultimate reason for his exit. There are rumours that some other leaders may also quit the party in the coming days. Though it is reasonable to believe that party will not face any serious crisis till it is in power, the real challenge will be once it is out of power.
How Mehbooba Mufti is going to hold her party together is something to be seen in the future. For the time being, it seems that the PDP has committed political suicide.