Has Modi forgotten that Pakistan cannot be trusted?

Prime Minister Narendra Modi must have known that an impromptu visit to Pakistan would create a storm, both domestically and internationally.

The visit would not just spark a debate about Indo-Pak ties in the newsrooms in Delhi and Islamabad, but also draw attention of the militant camps in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

And just days after the visit, the non-state actors responded with an attack on Pathankot airbase, which is a mere 30 kilometeres away from the Pakistan border.

The Indian forces, due to mishandling of the situation from those on command, took three days to secure the airbase and lost seven soldiers in the process.

What had started off as Modi’s innovative diplomacy in dealing with Pakistan, resulted in the cold wooden coffins for young Indian personnel.

The situation that the BJP-led government presently finds itself is not new in India-Pakistan ties. The risk of reaching out to Pakistan is that you may come back with a burnt hand. Modi, surely, knows this now.

But Modi, seemingly, does not look at himself as any ordinary leader and has shown signs that he wants to change the rules of the game in dealing with Pakistan.

Unlike the typical response of cancelling talks, he has on this occasion given the Pakistan government and the prime minister Nawaz Sharif a benefit of doubt.

Home minister Rajnath Singh has said that Pakistan should be given time to investigate the matter. He has gone on to say there is no reason to "distrust" Pakistan.

Meanwhile, emerging reports say the police in Pakistan have cracked down on some camps of Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), the militant group believed to be behind the Pathankot attack.

Three people linked to the group, including chief Masood Azar, have also been arrested. Fuller details are yet to emerge.

The developments seem to reflect a new kind of mutual trust between Delhi and Islamabad.The brewing Modi-Sharif friendship is reminiscent of the initial bonding between Manmohan Singh and Pervez Musharraf.

Whenever leaders of these two countries come together there is a cause for celebration, and rightly so. As two nuclear-armed nations, it is extremely important that the political establishments on both sides are on the same page.

The problem, however, is that it shrouds the functioning of Pakistan’s underbelly characterised by a mischievous spy agency and an army which for most part of Pakistan’s history has been in conflict with the civilian government.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s own political record is a testament to the political-military strife in Pakistan. There is little doubt that to protect the civilian leadership is a top priority for Sharif who, before he got re-elected, was forced to stay in a self-imposed exile to escape persecution under a military regime.

But just because Sharif is in some control again, does not mean the power of the Pakistani army has diminished in anyway.

Over the past couple of years, Taliban in North Waziristan has replaced India on the Pakistani military’s enemy list. This does not necessarily mean that Pakistan military is not alert about India. They have stuck to the strategy of supporting militant groups to create trouble in the border areas.

India, for its own interest, cannot start misreading the power structure of Pakistan; it also needs to be alert about the Pakistani army’s intentions. It must engage in fine diplomacy to force the Pakistan military to stop supporting militants.

A public show of bonhomie, like Modi’s unplanned visit to Islamabad, amounts to carelessness with a hostile and powerful Pakistan army lurking in the corner.

Modi, perhaps, wants to leave behind a legacy of ushering in a new era of ties with Pakistan. The Pathankot attack is evidence that it is not going to be an easy task.

Before more soldiers die avoidable deaths, Modi and his men should prepare the groundwork for a diplomatic relationship that goes beyond handshakes and birthday parties.