It will be entirely in consonance with the atmosphere of promise being built around developing India-US ties to declare Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent visit to Washington a notable success. Modi's address to the US Congress was impressive.
Such addresses are normally an occasion to vaunt US democracy and American role in the world to promote human freedom, outline national goals and foreign policy priorities, embellish the quality of bilateral ties and emphasise shared goals, and this Modi did effectively.
Divergent
Modi pressed the right buttons on all these counts. Many of his rhetorical flourishes may not stand the scrutiny of reality, but he was provided an occasion to make his points, which he made with panache.
The tenor of his address would have surely surprised the gathered Congressmen and shaken some of their assumptions as it was not in tune with the general understanding Americans have of India's foreign policy.
India is known for being sensitive about preserving the independence of its foreign policy, rejecting military alliances, pursuing undeterred its strategic programmes, refusing to play by the US book in international trade negotiations or on global issues in general. On Russia, Iran, West Asia and issues involving Pakistan, positions are divergent.
Modi sweepingly referred to the Capitol Hill as "the temple of democracy that had encouraged and empowered other democracies the world over," overlooking the history of decades-long technology sanctions imposed by the US Congress on democratic India, including the restrictive provisions of the 123 Agreement on civilian nuclear cooperation and pressure on our Iran ties.
PM Narendra Modi addressing the US Congress at the Capitol Hill. (AP) |
The US's record in empowering non-democratic regimes across continents, including its role in China's rise and in bolstering Pakistan, stands out.
That Modi as PM of a non-militarist country espousing non-violence as a political philosophy should visit the Arlington Cemetery and honour the US war dead, especially those involved in wars that India opposed, whether in Vietnam or Iraq, would have caused surprise, albeit pleasant.
That Modi could say that they sacrificed their lives so that the world could live in freedom and democracy would have been music to US ears, but not to those critical of US readiness to use military means too easily to solve political problems, a propensity that has lately caused so much human tragedy in West Asia.
The claim that our soldiers too have fallen in distant battlefields for the same ideals is neither true of sovereign decisions in the past nor the present, as independent India has not sent soldiers to distant lands to fight battles.
Relationship
"Comfort, candour and convergence" are certainly defining our conversations with the US today. But whether today "our relationship has overcome the hesitations of history" is doubtful on both sides as political, security and economic fault lines still mark our relationship and India baiting in sections of the US establishment can jolt ties even against government volition because of public opinion.
Modi was tactically astute in giving credit to the US Congress for putting its protective arms around the India-US relationship, as this recognises the role of the India Caucus in the two houses, but one should recall constant fire-fighting in Capitol Hill in the past against moves to sanction India on various issues, not to mention the recent Congressional decision to investigate India's trade, investment and IPR policies prompted by corporate lobbies, the censuring of India for curbing religious freedoms, the approval of military aid to Pakistan and so on.
The Congress has not stood by us "in times of sorrow" and the sense of solidarity exhibited on the occasion of the 2008 Mumbai attacks has still not got translated into any biting legislative action against Pakistan.
Lately, Congressional opinion has turned palpably in India's favour, and therefore, Modi was not wrong in exaggerating a reality, but the reality itself needs recognition.
Reminder
Modi was right to remind the Congressmen of the expansion of our defence ties with the US as this resonates with them. However, the belief that a "strong India-US partnership can anchor peace, prosperity and stability from Asia to Africa and from Indian Ocean to the Pacific" suggests a level of collaboration that India may find politically unfeasible.
Our counterterrorism cooperation is increasing, but we are a long way yet from such cooperation "securing our cities and citizens from terrorists," as the most recent Pathankot attack would show.
Yet, Modi made some very salient points about the incubation of terrorism in India's neighbourhood and exhorting the Congressmen to send "a clear message to those who preach and practice terrorism for political gains".
Amidst the sweep of Modi's outreach to the Congressmen, calling the US "an indispensable partner" and remarking that its embrace extends "from the depths of the oceans to the vastness of the space," his caveat that "the autonomy in decision-making and diversity in our perspectives… Can only add value to our partnership" was required.
Modi ended his well-crafted speech with the lines of Walt Whitman: "The Orchestra have sufficiently tuned their instruments, the baton has given the signal," and added that "there is a new symphony in play". But all orchestras have only one conductor and the US will always hold the baton. That is the ultimate reality.
(Courtesy of Mail Today.)