Why Mamata must share blame for stirring communal politics in West Bengal
The chinks in the armour of the Left, which ruled West Bengal for a record 34 years, became visible when Muslims started shifting their allegiance to Trinamool Congress.
While the trigger could have been the Sachar Committee report, which reflected the dismal representation of Muslims in government jobs and education, once the monitories started deserting the Left, the battle was virtually over for them.
With the crucial 30 per cent minority support in its kitty, the Trinamool Congress has reaped rich political dividends since 2009 — be it the 2011 Assembly polls, the subsequent Lok Sabha elections in 2014 or last year's state elections, which the party swept winning 211 of 294 seats.
In her attempt to woo the minorities, Mamata Banerjee has often, and quite symbolically, mixed politics with religion.
However, such symbolism has not gone down well with a large section of Hindus in Bengal, especially the "bhadrolok" middleclass. This discomfort among the Hindus provided a fertile breeding ground for right-wing forces in the state.
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| Mamata, however, used every religious event as an extension of her political campaign. Photo: PTI |
Dominated by the Left, the right-wing has had a very little space in West Bengal's post-Independence political history. This is a fact BJP stalwarts like Lal Krishna Advani have often lamented about, given that Bengal is the birthplace of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, the founder of Jana Sangh.
Even during the height of the Ram Mandir movement, the saffron brigade failed to make any dent in the Left bastion. The principal reason being that the Left kept religion at an arm's length from politics.
But Mamata transformed this narrative. Her politics ventured into the domain of religious symbolism, which changed the social dynamics in West Bengal. As a direct fallout, RSS steadily gained influence across the state as a counter to such “politics of appeasement”.
Unmindful of the challenge, Mamata did not hesitate announcing openly communal policies like state government providing stipends for imams and mouzzins — a move struck down by the Calcutta High Court. During the Left rule, none of her predecessors, Jyoti Basu or Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, attended any religious events.
The Left, particularly the Communist Party of India (Marxist), would often deride such practices.
Mamata, however, used every religious event as an extension of her political campaign.
Be it the Eid-Ul- Fitr prayer on Red Road, Iftar parties in Kolkata, or inaugurating scores of Durga Puja pandals in the city, for the past six years, she has been present at every big religious gathering, wilfully ignoring the dangers of mixing religion with politics in order to strengthen her grip over the electorate.
In doing so, she also failed to rein in fundamentalist elements who have used her party platform to take on the BJP. A glaring example being the fatwa against Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the presence of a Trinamool MP by a Kolkata cleric known for his proximity to Mamata.
Banerjee could have proved her “secular” credentials by condemning such acts, but chose to remain silent.
Today, as she criticises the BJP for mixing religion with politics, she cannot absolve herself of the projection that she is overtly religious.
As the BJP, with support from RSS, carries out elaborate Ram Navami celebrations across West Bengal, Mamata is getting the jitters.
For a state known for its expansive Durga Puja celebrations, few can recall when it last witnessed such competitive politics playing out over Ram Navami! Not only does it pose a political challenge, but also a threat to law and order in the state.
For the first time, wary of losing out on majority support, Banerjee could be seen asserting her "Hindu" identity publicly.
"It has nothing to do with you (BJP). Don't try claiming Ram Navami as your own programme. Even I perfrom puja on Ram Navami but don't make much noise of it," Mamata said at a recent rally.
Ironically, even as she took on the BJP, her party cadres could be heard chanting "Jai Shree Ram" slogans in processions across districts — a first for the Trinamool Congress since its inception in 1998.
With the saffron brigade taking a page out of Didi's own book, Bengal today stares at the ugly reality of competitive communal politics threatening to polarise the state.