Why Hardik Patel is backing the wrong cause
Last Wednesday, on November 22, Hardik Patel, leader of Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS), addressed the press from Dholka, 40km outside Ahmedabad. Many national news channels carried the 45-minute press conference live. Hardik spoke both in Gujarati and Hindi, making important announcements, clarifying his position on a number of issues, and responding to a wide range of queries.
Skills
As an observer of Indian affairs besides being fluent in Gujarati, I found myself listening to Hardik intently. I was quite impressed by the 24-year-old neta’s performance. His communicative skills in his native language are excellent; he has easy command and a sizeable vocabulary, including mastery over a range of technical terms. In Hindi, too, he is both eloquent and intelligible. What is more, he is perfectly coherent and logical. Finally, he shows maturity and resolve beyond his years
When asked if he was an “agent” of the Congress, Hardik turned the question around to say that he was happy to be called an “agent”, but he was the agent of the people, not of any political party. Further, he said he would not join any party until after two-and-a-half years. It seems he wishes to test the Congress-PAAS alliance to ensure there is no breach of trust, especially in the Congress promise to extend reservations to the Patels if voted to power
On the Supreme Court ruling that the total reservation should not exceed 50 per cent, Hardik said it was merely a judgment, with no binding constitutional authority. Further, he had himself studied the Constitution, coming to the conclusion that nothing in it debarred the state from enforcing quotas in excess of 50 per cent.
He cited the examples of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and, more recently, Rajasthan, where reservations exceed 50 per cent. Hardik said that Gujaratis were supposed to be clever, but for 22 years they’ve been fooled by one political party, the BJP, which he is determined to dethrone in the interests of the people.
Will Hardik succeed? If the pre-election surveys are anything to go by, the answer is clearly no. The ruling BJP also seems to have left no stone unturned to retain Gujarat. Narendra Modi and Amit Shah have been virtually camping in the state, making it their electoral stomping ground.
Key leaders ranging from Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj to Yogi Adityanath and Uma Bharti have visited Gujarat to bat for the BJP. In fact, as many as 30 key leaders, several of them Cabinet ministers or state chief ministers, have toured the state, appealing to various constituencies. On the other side, the Congress, too, has pulled out all the stops to cash in on whatever anti-incumbency there might be in the crucial state.
Where does this leave Hardik? Is he an inconsequential small fry, bound to be swept aside in the rough and tumble of the tornado that is Indian politics? Or is he a rising star, a man of destiny, fated for bigger things? Such were the questions on my mind as I watched him speak to the press with the confidence and poise of a seasoned politician.
Predictions
I am no crystal ball gazer, so making predictions is neither my forte nor the special area of interest. But it is clear to me that Hardik is a political animal. He lives, sleeps, walks and breathes politics. He has a feel for the not just the pulse of the people but knows how to use the media skillfully, with memorable quotes, sound bites, and one-liners. He belongs to the new breed of Indian leaders who have emerged from grass-roots agitations, rather than party politics.
In the end, he will have to join one of the major parties, but if he can do so on his own terms, then his future will be a bit more secure.
Unfortunately, like many young men from the middle or upper castes/classes, Hardik is backing the wrong cause. Jats, Marathas, and Patels belong to the ruling, rather than subaltern classes, in their respective states. Like Kammas and Reddys in Andhra-Telangana, Ahirs and Yadavs in UP-Bihar, Jats and Sikhs in Punjab, Nairs and Menons in Kerala, Nadars and Gounders in Tamil Nadu, and so on, the Patels have progressed enormously both as a community and as individuals in the last 150 years. They are now both politically and economically prominent. For them to demand reservations is thus quite intriguing from the socio-political point of view.
Reservations
When the dominant demand reservations it can mean two things: either we have become universally indoctrinated by the idea or that it has lost its salience and significance entirely. Perhaps, the two positions are not entirely antimonial. In post-Indian politics, everyone has a grievance and wishes to be compensated by the coercive apparatus of the state. “Me-too” reservations are just another example of the ever-expanding domain of grievance-mongering and entitlement mobilisation even to the point of it being taken to untenable extremes.
Again, two options seem to suggest themselves going forward: either the government sector will head towards 100 per cent reservation, openly or surreptitiously, or we will need a national re-think on it. The first step would be to end caste/community-based quotas altogether, going in for a multi-point system to determine deprivation and need. Perhaps, Hardik himself may propose such an alternative if he fails to secure reservation for the Patidars, thus rejigging his image from regressive to progressive.
In any case, not just Hardik, but any upcoming politician needs to recognise that to aspire for national leadership and acceptance in India, one must be seen as representing a larger section of Indian society, not just one vested interest, community, or caste.
(Courtesy of Mail Today.)