The RSS/BJP ideology is dominating the Indian media, our Parliament and universities, with little knowledge of the secular forces. India's university system has rules and corrective systems that most citizens are not aware of. The media, apart from sensational news breaks, does not care. Often, since they do not take active interest in the workings of the university, they bypass key issues. But the manner in which teachers/faculty are selected has a great impact on the functioning and curricula of the university and its knowledge systems.
There is a critical body known to few outside the university system — University Grants Commission (UGC). It lays down the rules for the functioning of universities and comes up with recommendations for revision, upgradation and correction of the Indian university system. For example, in its ninth manual in 2009, the regulatory body laid down the rules for the composition of selection committees for the recruitment of teaching faculty: it stated that three experts chosen from a list approved by a statutory body (the university academic council) would constitute the core of the selection panel. The vice-chancellor/principal, dean, chairperson/head of department and, in some cases, the pro vice-chancellor/rector would also be a part of this committee.
In effect, this means the composition of the panel would decide the quality of faculty selected. Even the pay scales, which, in some cases, may involve five increments, are recommended by the committee. The RSS saw such rules as a problem as the panel mandated few requirements: the qualifications of a candidate, the financial increments she wanted, years of teaching experience, et al. Incidentally, the selection committee formula laid down by the UGC is identical to the requirements of the JNU Act (of Parliament) of 1966.
JNU VC M Jagadesh Kumar, after a year in office, decided to do away with the UGC/JNU Act that mandated the composition of the selection committee, notwithstanding its statutory status. His determination is to subvert the high-level, broad-based teaching skills that JNU is famous for. So, using this illegal, non-statutory power, professor Kumar has chosen his own set of experts and even superseded deans and chairpersons (heads of departments) to pack the selection committee as he likes.
It is important to note that professor Kumar — who has taught at IIT-Delhi — has never been the head of a department or dean. His role was limited to being the timetable in-charge.
Consequently, the JNU Teachers’ Association (JNUTA) went to the Delhi High Court in protest and the moment the judges saw the additional solicitor general rise in support of the MHRD/JNU, they became hostile to the JNUTA case, refusing to accept the clear directions of the UGC Manual, 2009 or the JNU Act of 1966.
Thus, despite the settled law, there is no justice for JNU. The mechanisms for flooding the faculty with RSS loyalists and appointees with inferior academic qualifications have been perfected.
Judges have been told that supporting the JNU case is a poisoned chalice, which may well mar their chances of a promotion.
This remains a perfect example of how to destroy a prominent university. But the RSS and the BJP couldn't care less, for theirs is an ideological campaign, not an academic one.
They are in power, and this is one of their ways of cementing power — by changing the discourse.
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